Ataturk and ErdoganWith all of the focus on elections recently (Syria, Nigeria, and France)–a topic likely to receive major emphasis here on The Democratic Piece due to the interest of several of our bloggers in the issue of elections as well as the salience of elections for democratic theory more generally–it seems appropriate to talk about some future ones in order to (hopefully) provide some useful context before the fact. 

 A particularly interesting set of elections will occur soon in Turkey, beginning with the presidential election on April 26 or May 3 and followed by the parliamentary elections on November 4 of this year.  Indeed, the topic of elections formed the subject of some lively conversations I had with Turkish friends last January in Istanbul at a popular cafe. But the Turkish elections are not salient simply because they are looming; Turkey continues to represent the nexus of many of the dominant issues in contemporary academic and policy debates on the Middle East:  the expression of Islam within a democratic framework, the EU accession path of a Muslim country, and the role of the military in political life, among others.

Interestingly, at the eleventh hour before the presidential race, candidates have yet to be announced, though speculations are brewing this week that Prime Minister Recep Tayyip ErdoÄŸan may choose to run.  This conjecture is being made in light of a comment he made last week that the announcement of the presidential candidates would come as a “shock.”  The deadline for ErdoÄŸan to make his choice for candidate to represent his Islamic Justice and Development Party (AKP) is this Wednesday the 25th.  Ironically, many members of his party support his candidacy, but they are expressing their desire that he not run, citing his leadership in both continuing to carry out the task of pro-EU reform and in leading the AKP party to victory in November.  According to some sources, ErdoÄŸan is largely responsible for the commencement of Turkey’s accession talks with the EU in 2004-5, and he has contributed positively to economic development in Turkey. 

The choice for the post of president has weighty implications; even if its formal powers are limited to a veto of major legislation, the continued salience of the office can be traced to Mustafa Kemal Atatürk–Turkey’s first president and the founder of modern-day, secular Turkey–and Atatürk’s continued significance for contemporary Turkish identity.  The degree of importance that many place on Turkey’s secular identity was underscored on April 14, as over 300,000 protesters filled Ankara’s streets in a display of support for a pro-secular government in Turkey’s future.  At the same time, many Turks feel strongly about retaining certain aspects of their Islamic identity and freedom of religious expression, a current of thought in Turkey that raises questions for some about how ErdoÄŸan’s leadership of the Islamic AKP would color the office of president. 

Of particular importance in these debates is the often-publicized and widespread issue of headscarves.  Currently, women in Turkey are not allowed to wear headscarves in governmental offices and schools, which means that women who choose to wear the scarf might have less employment and educational opportunities than they otherwise would have.  Thus, on top of the usual issues of identity and religious expression, headscarf laws and their consequences have major issues for women’s intellectual and professional development. 

The constellation of issues related to upcoming Turkish elections, thus, are many and interdependent.  Stay tuned in order to stay abreast of the developments…