Archive for May, 2007

And now for something completely different…

Some things never go out of style. Iranian fashion police, from WSJ via Gawker: “It doesn’t take Henry Kissinger to figure out that an attack on fine Italian made-to-measure is an attack on everything we as a civilization hold dear. The time to act is now.”

Please note that the centrality of neckties as barometers of democracy yearning, first seen in Lerner, remains key. For that reason, DP should perhaps consider a redesign of the website theme.

For another eerily Balgat-reminiscent democratic piece: Ruling Party Charms a Turkish City With New Take on Secular Heritage

Free Haleh Campaign

From: “Zainab Al-Suwaij” <zainab@aicongress.org>
Date: May 12, 2007 12:24:46 AM EDT
To: “Zainab Al-Suwaij” <zainab@aicongress.org>
Subject: Dr.Haleh Esfandiri’s Campaign

Dear Friends:

As many of you know, Dr. Haleh Esfandiari was arrested on Tuesday in Tehran and is currently being held in Evin Prison. I am writing to you to ask you to join our campaign to free Haleh.

First, here is some basic background on what happened:

Haleh goes to Iran twice a year to visit her mother, who is now 93. Her latest trip was in December.

According to the Wilson Center, on December 30, 2006, Haleh was in Iran heading to the airport to return to the US. Masked gunmen ambushed her taxi and stole her luggage, including her Iranian and American passports. When Haleh went to replace her passport, she was interrogated at the Intelligence Ministry. For four months she was held under house arrest. On May 8, security forces took her away to Evin Prison where she remains today, though she has not been formally charged with any crime.

The “Free Haleh” campaign has been initiated by the American Islamic Congress in conjunction with Ibn Khaldoun Center in Cairo, the Initiative for Inclusive Security in Washington, and the Kuwaiti Economic Society.

Our appeal is to the Iranian government: Please correct the mistake made by the security forces and release Haleh.

You can read all about Haleh’s case and our campaign at the site www.FreeHaleh.org. We will continue to post updates to the site.

More importantly, we have set up a special online letter writing campaign on Haleh’s behalf. Go to: http://campaigns.aicongress.org/haleh. You can edit a draft letter to Iranian leaders. Then sign your name and submit the letter. An email will be sent, and your name will be added to a list of people taking action. It’s a combined petition/letter-writing campaign.

You can also spread the word to your friends and colleagues. You can either forward this email or use this form: http://campaigns.aicongress.org/haleh/forward .

Thank you for your attention and for adding your voice. Haleh has done so much for us and now we need to step up to help her.

Ma’asalama,

Zainab


Ms. Zainab Al-Suwaij
Executive Director
American Islamic Congress
www.aicongress.org

Morocco’s not Democratizing (To be blunt about it)

Theres a relatively new weekly called the Democracy Digest that Michael Allen is editing for the Transatlantic Democracy Network. Its well worth checking out. This weeks focus is Morocco and its faux process of democratization; a very good overview of the situation there for the non-Morocco expert. I wanted to share a couple of brief comments, but before I do, Id like to point out that Michael Allen is owner of one of the Georgetown Democracy Studies Programs possible tee shirt quotations. At a conference on Tom Melia’s “Democracy Bureaucracy”, Allen said that democracy promotion is the labor of Sisyphus.Indeed, Michael, as we finish up our final papers, the Democracy Studies students share your sentiments.

The Morocco article highlights the existence of red lines that serve to thwart democratization as well as the makhzen, which, in my own conception, is an elaborate system of rules, procedures, and elites that assist the king to execute the royal agenda. Guilain Denoeux, in an article cited in the Democracy Digest piece, talks of the systematic corruption and implicit prohibition of the term corruption that was still in place by the mid-1990s. In his article Islam and the State, Mohammed Tozy writes: …there appears to be a common desire among the parties to reshape the entire institutional space where politico-reloigious competition takes place. A sort of complicity has arisen between the different actors in order to promote the raison detat and to assure control of the civil society.

All this funny stuff is not random. Rather, its indicative of an informal agreement between king and subjects that establishes appropriate vernacular and decorum for the kingdom’s political actors. This social contract was, in the past, represented in the baya, the traditional oath of allegiance, which dons the king “sacred legitimacy.” Tozy said as much in his definition of this “sacred pact…a place in the hierarchy of norms and political actors, a capacity for a transhistorical symbolism, a standard by which laws are made or undone.” The pervasiveness of this informal sector really depletes the formal political system of legitimate authority. As a result, elected officials cannot govern effectively and the king retains all power - which is why I claim “Morocco’s not Democratizing.”

Despite this talk of “sacred authority,” its important not to give the king too much credit for his role as Amir al-Mouminin (Commander of the Faithful). Mohammed VI is hardly an alim (religious scholar), and everone knows it. Abdeslam Maghraoui has convinced me that the baya has become little more than a ceremony bent on convincing the masses that important people bow down to the king so they should too. The king does not possess experiential capital; just the illusion of legitimacy.

The Democratic Digest article suggests that the monarch’s “privileged religious status also acts as a red line against the contagion of radical Islam.” But I’m not so sure that this is the case. Radical Islam is pervasive and the lack of Islamist extremism is, I think, more due to the work of the security services (translation: repression), the existence of opportunities for extremism abroad, and the inclusion of Islamists into the political system.

None of these steps are long term solutions to Islamist extremism; they’re really just buying time. The first two points are fairly self-explanatory, so I’ll once again (see my last post) raise the participation issue. Bringing Islamists into the political system is a good thing, please don’t get me wrong. But electoral politics in autocratic polities do not allow for the full scale of moderating procedures and habits present in democratic systems. If Islamists cannot obtain their goals via the political system, then they are eventually going to decide that participation ain’t worth it. Furthermore, if the supporters of the PJD, the “Islamist” party, do not perceive that they are gaining anything, they will feel marginalized and, most likely, shift their support to more subversive elements. Ill sketch this thought out in more detail in sha’ allah, but that’s just a little food for thought until I finish my finals.

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