Another candidate-centric Iraq proposal
Via POMED comes a call by Scott Carpenter and Michael Rubin for MMP in Iraq’s governorates. A candidate-centric system, they argue, could dampen sectarian tension by weakening the party system.
Reforming Iraq’s election system on the national level will be difficult… At the local level, however, there is real opportunity… Iraqis should have the right to vote for the best individuals to administer governorates and sit on district councils. The country need not abandon parties or proportional representation, but lawmakers could explore an open-list system that would allow citizens to vote for people they know. Even better would be a mixed system, such as the one practiced in Germany, which combines party lists with the ability to elect individuals.
More on the rationale:
“[Adopting list PR for national elections] was a fateful decision. Rather than vote for individuals, Iraqis voted for political parties, whose leaders compiled lists of candidates. In descending order, one candidate would enter parliament for every 31,000 votes the party received. Under this system, aspiring politicians owed their future not to voters but to the party leaders who compiled the lists. Instead of encouraging Iraqi politicians to debate security, sewage and schooling, the party-slate system encouraged them to engage in the most extreme sectarian or ethno-nationalist rhetoric to prove their mettle to party leaders. Those who preached tolerance or voiced more technocratic concerns found themselves at the bottom of lists.
I have been making the same basic argument since April. The parties are the problem. Institutional choices made in 2005 largely caused them. Present institutional design efforts in the governorates are an opportunity to work on the problem. The system implemented must be highly candidate-centric.
To make that system work, federalism has to be strong enough to put a premium on governorate elections. And to keep federalism from ripping the country apart, there must be inter-governorate revenue sharing.
I applaud Carpenter and Rubin’s careful thinking about an important detail that most democracy promoters ignore. At the same time, open-endorsement SNTV remains preferable to their proposals.
Open-list proportional representation only mildly puts the candidate ahead of the party. Even though one votes for an individual entrepreneur, co-partisans depend on his or her performance for their own chances at winning seats. Open-list PR does not adequately dampen the incentive to run as a team.
Mixed-member proportional representation is problematic for theoretical and implementation reasons alike. One, it requires drawing single-member districts. Those presumably need to be of equal population. Even if the census data existed to allow equal population districts - it does not - districting would raise lots of different questions about gerrymandering (Does the way districts are drawn “naturally” advantage certain groups? Are the districts drawn purposely to do so? Et cetera.)
On the theoretical side, the nominal tier would have to be much larger than the list tier. That is, the proportion of seats elected in districts would have to overwhelm those elected from lists. Otherwise the ‘list logic’ of campaigning that the writers identify would again dominate.
Carpenter and Rubin are thinking in the right terms. Their proposal, however, should be more practical and ambitious. SNTV gets around the districting headaches while even more radically “put[ting] the people ahead of the party bosses.”
H/T to POMED’s Andrew Albertson.
James Gilmour on 10 Jun 2008 at 7:55 am #
STV-PR would offer an even better solution. SNTV does not ensure fair representation.
Jack on 10 Jun 2008 at 12:58 pm #
I agree that STV-PR could be better for the context in two ways: proportionality and the incentive for opponents to cross-endorse.
But I suspect STV would run into implementation issues and objections. Just to name a few:
- allegedly prohibitive voter education efforts
- mass innumeracy
- an allegedly confusing seat allocation process upsetting a result’s legitimacy
- general lack of backing the democracy assistance community
Jack on 10 Jun 2008 at 3:21 pm #
One more anticipated objection to STV in Iraq. To the extent one wanted voters to use most of their rankings, district magnitudes would need to be much smaller than the governorates themselves. As with SMD, MMP, etc., the lack of data and controversies around districting would be problematic.
MSS on 29 Jun 2008 at 6:11 pm #
Evidence that “list logic” dominates campaigning under MMP is sketchy at best. And districts really do not have to be equal in voter population if the list tier is big enough to offset disproportionality.
So, I guess I am suggesting turning Jack’s logic against MMP here on its head.
MSS on 29 Jun 2008 at 6:15 pm #
Regarding James’s comment on SNTV, I suppose it depends on what one means by “fair,” but if magnitude is high (as it presumably would have to be, if Jack’s concerns about districting dominated the discussion), SNTV is extremely inclusive of minorities. Those presumably would include minorities outside the current ethno-partisan groupings.
(I am certainly not advocating either SNTV or MMP in this case, by the way.)